Honourable interim Prime Minister of the Republic of Haiti, Gerard Latortue,
Distinguished Chair,
Honourable Ambassadors and Colleagues:

First of all, I would like to congratulate the European Commission for the holding of this timely and important meeting, and also wish to salute the participation of Prime Minister Latortue and several of his Ministers. Secondly, I would like to express the appreciation and support of the OAS for the inclusive approach to Haiti’s challenges and opportunities demonstrated by the Government of Haiti, in its invitation to various Haitian sectors to participate fully in the developmental and cooperation process and to join us in discussing substantive issues at meetings such as today’s. We are pleased with the inputs being provided from Haitian civil society groups and from the private sector, and look forward to their continued constructive engagement.

We stand at a critical crossroads in the transition process of Haiti towards legitimate and duly elected government and constitutional normalization. However, as we all know, the challenges do not end with the holding of free, fair and transparent elections; this will be the first necessary step that will provide a governance framework for Haitians to address multiple, deep-rooted problems that have plagued the country for years.

The OAS has a strong mandate from its General Assembly to support the transition in Haiti, and through its Special Mission, the Organization has been steadfast in providing this support. A particular role in assisting the organization of elections was mandated, following a request made to the OAS Permanent Council by interim Prime Minister Latortue, and in this context; the OAS set up an Electoral Technical Assistance Program which has principally worked with Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) on the implementation of the massive voter registration campaign. We, too, are pleased with the successful outcome of the registration process which has been noted at this meeting, and which has resulted in the registration of approximately 3.2 million Haitian citizens. We congratulate the CEP for this success, and thank MINUSTAH for its assistance in facilitating this process.

The OAS stands ready to expand its support to the elections process, if requested, in partnership with our sister organization, CARICOM, and in close cooperation with MINUSTAH and other international assistance efforts.

In spite of some victories, the road to credible elections that will uphold internationally recognized standards has been a difficult one so far. Many delays have occurred, and vital elements of the process such as the definite lists of candidates are not yet available. Over 600,000 national identification cards have arrived in Haiti, but cannot be distributed because the total number and location of the voting centers and polling sites have not yet been determined. Registered citizens are supposed to be advised of the location of their polling site when they receive their card, so that on election day, they will know where to go to cast their ballot.

Most serious, perhaps, is the lack of a definitive electoral calendar. As a result, elections have yet to be formally convened by the Government. A series of elections dates have been provided to the public by the electoral authorities and progressively discarded as it became apparent that adequate conditions for elections did not exist, given the many essential tasks related to the organization of elections which remained to be done. It is imperative that the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) and the interim Haitian Government announce definitive election dates as soon as possible, in order to dispel the uncertainty among the population about the holding of elections in 2005. As some have pointed out, despite the delays in the organization of elections, it is critical that the Haitian authorities respect the constitutional deadline for a transfer of power to a new, duly elected president by February 7, 2006, and this can only be accomplished if a first set of elections are held before the current year ends.

Having said this, I must also acknowledge the recent progress made in elections preparations and in addressing the weaknesses of the CEP, and take the opportunity to commend interim Prime Minister Latortue and his government for the important efforts recently undertaken in this regard. As the capacity of the CEP itself is necessarily strengthened and made more effective, and essential tasks towards preparing the logistics and the overall organization of elections inch forward, we should not forget the crucial importance of ensuring a propitious electoral environment.

Ensuring an adequate environment for elections will entail working hard to maintain a climate of security for candidates, election workers, party pollwatchers, observers and voters, as well as an inclusionary electoral process where the broadest base of candidates, parties and voters feel free to participate and find themselves on a level playing-field. In that regard, I salute the interim government’s recent adoption of the long-awaited decree on public campaign financing and its announcement of an initial fund of 55 million gourdes to which qualified parties and candidates may apply for campaign support.

Similarly, and again in the interests of building confidence in the incipient electoral process, as well as keeping elections preparations on track, I would urge that any remaining appeals regarding the eligibility of candidates for the elections be speedily and transparently concluded and the final lists of candidates published as soon as possible.

Finally, as we have mentioned in other fora, resolving contentious cases of prolonged pre-trial detention, and among those, the cases which have been construed by some sectors as politically tinged, would also go a long way in creating an open and encouraging electoral environment.

Indeed, all efforts to create and to sustain this “propitious electoral environment” will be critical, not only leading up to and during elections, but very much after elections as well. As many are aware, many of the most serious and volatile problems in Haitian electoral processes have occurred after the polls have closed, and in the ensuing days after elections. In this sense, it is crucial to ensure that a smooth and well-organized voting counting and tabulation process is put in place, as well as the means for timely transmission of preliminary results to the parties and to the citizenry as a whole.

It will also be necessary to continue fostering dialogue among the political parties, so that they truly become the key partners of the elections, and not just the beneficiaries. In this respect, it is encouraging to note that discussions have recently begun on the establishment of the long-touted Commission of Electoral Guarantees, which would bring political parties even closer to the elections process and the workings of the electoral body. It will also be vital to build on the accomplishment of the Code of Conduct signed several months ago by various parties, through on-going dialogue with and among party representatives, leaders and candidates, in order to ensure that all participants in the electoral races will abide by the official results.

As I said at the outset, these elections undoubtedly constitute a challenge in many regards, but the real complexities, the greater challenge, will be to ensure democratic governability in Haiti once a new government is in place, bolstered by the forging of a national unity and minimal consensus on how to move the country forward, and by the rapid tackling of the country’s most serious and intractable problems. This is a process that must rely, first and foremost, on the best efforts and the inclusionary and transparent practices of the newly elected authorities, as well as on firm efforts and on-going participation from the political sector, Haitian civil society and private sector groups, and the citizenry as a whole; and finally, it will depend on the strong and unequivocal support of the international donor and support community.

On the critical post-electoral stabilization issues, we fully agree with the focus suggested in recent meetings (and at this one) of four basic components, involving:

1) immediate-impact projects improving the basic living conditions of the population;
2) the strengthening of democratic governance and the rule of law through institution-building and related measures;
3) consolidation of the political process and national reconciliation;
and, very importantly,
4) laying the foundations for a long-term strategy for combating poverty and improving overall social and economic conditions in the country, for a durable development process.

I would like to take the opportunity to briefly touch on each of the four areas.

On the issue of quick- and high-impact projects for the most disadvantaged populations in Haiti, these actions will be a crucial follow-up to good elections, in order for people to regain confidence in the democratic future of the country and to palliate some of the many hardships, as well as to attenuate frustrations that could feed into further political and social instability. In this domain, a strong concentration on employment creation in both urban and rural settings, and throughout the country, will be paramount.

Regarding democratic institution-building, much remains to be done to either re-build or seriously consolidate basic institutions at both national and sub-national levels, to foster real and sustainable local governance, as well as to strengthen human resources and support modernization efforts in the three branches of government. It has been acknowledged repeatedly that one of the long-standing “achilles’ heels” in Haiti is the tenuous nature of the rule of law and the imperative necessity to strengthen the judiciary and broaden access to justice. Likewise, work should be conducted in partnership with Haitian authorities on identifying the major weaknesses and needs in key Ministries and departments of government of the executive branch. A critical area in this regard will likely be regulatory agencies to confront and address corrupt and opaque practices in their various manifestations. The role of the legislature in any democracy is paramount, and major efforts to modernize the legislative branch of government will be a central endeavour for the international community to encourage and support.

With respect to the electoral institution and the issue of Haitians’ vital records, it is now time to ensure that a Permanent Electoral Council, built on the experience and the resources invested in the current electoral process, be formally installed and supported in every respect, including the establishment of a permanent electoral registry within its purview. Likewise, the significant investment in the massive voter registration campaign, the creation of the voters’ database and the establishment, production and distribution of national identification cards must be capitalized upon for the establishment of a modern, integrated civil registry and national identification system. The national human rights system, both governmental and non-governmental, must also necessarily be fortified to protect all Haitians’ basic human rights, in the framework of the many international human rights conventions and instruments to which Haiti has subscribed over the years.

With respect to consolidating the political and reconciliation processes in the country, this point undergirds much of the other points identified. Without the building of a minimal, workable and sustainable consensus across sectors, classes and political divides, and the healing process of a national reconciliation effort based on permanent, open and inclusive dialogue, the foundation for the other pillars of the “post-electoral stabilization process” will be on very shaky ground, and could even threaten to revert many of the incipient gains that are being made in the current electoral and overall transition processes. Furthermore, it is clear that the basic tenets of any of the other longer-term components of a “post-electoral stabilization plan” will necessarily require the decisive support of all sectors in order for them to not become the passing fancy of the new government, but to truly become part of a “projet de société” that will be maintained through successive governments, regardless of their particular political persuasion.

Critical to building a culture of dialogue, a new political and social ethos and a deeply democratic society, will be the entrenchment of democratic values and practices, and within this, a true sense and mission of solidarity and understanding across class lines, at all levels in Haiti, beginning with the political, social and economic leaders of the country, and permeating all sectors. There is much to be done to foster young democratic leadership in the country and to ensure that the newer generations grow up fully committed to, and involved in, the democratic process in their country.

Finally, the preparation of a long-term, comprehensive anti-poverty and pro-durable development strategy in Haiti is one of the single most critical elements to permit a sustainable future for the country, supported within the democratic framework. In preparing such a strategy, it is evident that broad-based participation of Haitian society will be necessary, as well as a decentralized approach to its confection. Although the plan will have to respond to over-arching, national objectives for attaining certain targets and reaching certain goals that are important for the country, the diverse, particular needs of different regions of Haiti (and the need to redress historic neglect, in many cases) make it imperative that regional voices are heard from the beginning, in the earliest planning stages.

Among the multiple elements which must be included in such a strategy, in our view, would be a comprehensive plan to combat the serious environmental degradation plaguing Haiti, without which, the already fragile resource base will be further depleted, to the great detriment of future generations and to the overall potential and economic sustainability of the country.


On the issue of support of the international community for these four areas, I fully agree that continued coordination and a strong unity of approach among the various partners will be essential in order to deliver the most effective and timely assistance possible. The Interim Cooperation Framework (CCI) has served the support process well over the past fifteen months, and some form of on-going structure will definitely be necessary for the longer term. In that regard, I would like to suggest consideration of the establishment of a Consortium on Democracy and Development for Haiti to carry on the work of the CCI, in which all willing international partners can develop and coordinate their support in partnership with the Haitian authorities and society.

The existing documents on a “post-electoral stabilization strategy” provide an excellent starting point for considering this or other longer-term vehicles for support and coordination for a recuperation and consolidation process in Haiti which will take many, long years to accomplish. One missing element from existing documents which I have noted, however, is the failure to mention the potential contributions of regional and sub-regional organizations such as CARICOM and the OAS in the overall Haiti support efforts in the upcoming, critical phases.

As I outlined in the statement read to the Core Group meeting held in New York several days ago, the OAS has the capacity, the mandate and the commitment to mobilize and integrate significant inter-American resources into the overall support process for Haiti in the upcoming, critical and long-term period ahead. The OAS itself can contribute support, along with other partners, and based on its experience and expertise, in strategic areas such as legislative modernization, the strengthening of electoral institutions and building of modern civil registries, support for processes of dialogue and reconciliation at both the national and local levels, and other domains which can be identified alongside the Haitian and international counterparts in the upcoming planning phases of the new assistance period.

The OAS is also committed to working ever-closer with Haiti on many of these critical issues, in the framework of the numerous inter-American structures which have been especially designed to provide a vehicle for mutual support among the countries of the Americas in fields such as anti-corruption, decentralization policy, environmental protection, electoral technology exchange, political party reform and modernization, education reform, and others, including the issue of employment generation, which is the major theme of the upcoming Summit of the Americas. At the same time, the OAS has been working increasingly in tandem with other inter-American institutions such as the IDB, IICA, PAHO, the Center for Juridical Studies and sub-regional organizations such as CARICOM and the Association of Caribbean States (ACS) in order to bring a more cohesive and comprehensive approach to the multiple forms of assistance available to member countries which the institutions of the Americas can provide.

Mr. Prime Minister,
Mr. Chair,

We all want our efforts to be effective. We all want success. We need a good outcome for our collective efforts, but above all, the Haitian population deserves to have a positive and effective response to its many current and future challenges.

We therefore look forward to fully participating in the future discussions on post-electoral support strategies for Haiti, alongside the Haitian government, Haitian civil society institutions, and with the many partners and donors of the international community, in order to contribute all of our best possible efforts to help trace a brighter path for Haiti, and Haitians, in the future.

Thank-you.